| Segments | Relation type | Relation name | Document | Tagger | Area | Notes |
on the one hand there is a growing need for harmonisation at international level due to continuous economic, political, social and cultural links and exchanges. | But on the other hand there is a recognition of diversity (and the consequent affirmation of individuality) in all areas of human life.
| contrast | N-N | TERM19_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
All these factors lead to an increase in the number of specialist terms which enrich terminology | but also call into question some of its basic concepts, such as the one to one relationship between ideas and names, the concept of mastery of a specialist field and the role of standardisation in terminology.
The basic principles of standardisation, such as consensus between the sectors of society involved, remain fully valid in guaranteeing specialist communication, but in practical terminological work the close relationship which must exist between standardisation and society is sometimes neglected. The danger in this is that there may be a breakdown in the equilibrium required between the certain degree of arbitrariness which is inevitable in a consensus and the actual use of terminology by specialists. In this case, standardisation not only ceases to be effective but also fails to fulfil its purpose.
| contrast | N-N | TERM19_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
This paper is intended to make known the method used to locate and analyse legal terminology in Basque in a complete corpus for a particular field. Discarding the methods usually used in terminology processing, we based our research on three points: computer resources, the corpus linguistics and the science of translation. Since legislation itself is the basis of written law and is therefore highly important in legal terminology, we took as our framework for research the whole body of law produced by the Basque Parliament. Since the Basque language versions are translations of Spanish originals, we based our study on those originals and then found their Basque equivalents, in the sure knowledge that legal terminology in Spanish is sufficiently well consolidated and set down in dictionaries. After obtaining the full texts in both languages on a computer data carrier, we proceeded to compare and set out in parallel the two versions so that we could identify with numbers those paragraphs which had the same contents. Using a special application we then established connections between the appearances of the main terms in the Spanish list already drawn up and the context paragraphs and paragraphs with the same numbers in the Basque version. We then located the segments of the paragraphs in Basque which contained the term equivalent to the Spanish one, and transferred the whole thing to a relational database. This allows us to determine what terms appear and what terms do not appear, the area of law to which they belong, the degree to which the Basque terms are consolidated, the syntactic structures of the Basque segments equivalent to the Spanish terms, etc. | Phraseology, which is so important in specialist language, could also be treated in this same way.
| contrast | N-N | TERM28_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
The need to find solutions which can be applied effectively in a real context has led us to take an approach which does not ignore theoretical postulates and the different methods of terminology and IT, | but enables us to handle problems, carry out terminological work and disseminate the results.
| contrast | N-N | TERM29_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
Over the last ten years we have been building terminology collections in languages used by numerically larger groups of people, like English, German and Spanish, | while at the same time attempting to adapt such methods for lesser used languages like Welsh, Norwegian, Flemish and Catalan.
| contrast | N-N | TERM30_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
In languages used by numerical majorities, the expensive task of terminology management is underwritten by the expectation that there is a potentially large numbers of people who require and are willing to invest in creating terminology databases. | For languages used by numerically smaller number of people this indeed is not the case; terminology management here is often linked with the politically-motivated, and often emotionally charged, work of language planning.
| contrast | N-N | TERM30_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
The automation of terminology involvement management is not merely a task of writing computer programs, although such and undertaking is onerous in itself. | Such an automation requires an understanding of how specialist text is written, how human beings deal with semantics of specialist domains, how discourse pattern change according to the needs of the authors and the readers of the texts.
| contrast | N-N | TERM30_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
Terminology management, that is collection, analysis, validation and distribution of terms, is crucial for converting information into comprehensible and applicable knowledge. Specialists of all persuasions are involved in coining terms, modifying existing terminology, rendering terms archaic or re-introducing discarded terms with new meanings. One task of specialists, it appears, is to coin neologisms, introduce retronyms, translate terms, validate terms and, in a rather indirect manner, compile or help to compete terminology collection of their specialisms. Modern science, contemporary leisure and entertainment, innovative enterprises, all distinguish themselves from their older incarnations not merely through goods, services or artefacts, but also through the terminology they use to describe the sciences, arts and culture, and business and enterprises. Terminology management is by and large a manual task that relies on the existence of well-motivated documentalists, translators and terminologists; the later performing the function of the former two. Currently available terminology management systems have alleviated some of the storage and retrieval tasks associated with the archival and presentation of specialist terms. However, the tasks of collection, analysis and validation are undertaken with skilled human beings. | In languages used by numerical majorities, the expensive task of terminology management is underwritten by the expectation that there is a potentially large numbers of people who require and are willing to invest in creating terminology databases. For languages used by numerically smaller number of people this indeed is not the case; terminology management here is often linked with the politically-motivated, and often emotionally charged, work of language planning. The dependence on human beings for terminology management is greater in the lesser-used language communities than say may be the case of other languages.
The automation of terminology involvement management is not merely a task of writing computer programs, although such and undertaking is onerous in itself. Such an automation requires an understanding of how specialist text is written, how human beings deal with semantics of specialist domains, how discourse pattern change according to the needs of the authors and the readers of the texts. Writings in and about lesser-used languages are not easy come by and it appears that it is difficult to persuade people to undertake research and data collection in these areas. Somehow, specialist writing is associated with term 'technical writing', a discourse pattern which in turn is associated with machines and thereby not given the same status as the more abstract task of parsing sentences according to a mathematical model of language or searching for cultural icons in texts for instance.
But knowledge processing, a term that can be used for elaborating related activities like education, training, teaching and learning, problem solving and so on, is crucially dependent on the availability of specialist terminology collections. This especially true during the formative years of a child, the early carrier of a novice or a person being retrained; facts, principles, theories, and rules of thumb related to any human enterprise, collectively known as knowledge, are to be assimilated and then applied for teaching, learning, problem-solving etc. The 'raw material' available in text books, journals, unarticulated past experience, has to be communicated through the agency of terms whose meanings are well defined and used frequently by a specialist enterprise. Knowledge processing therefore is inextricably linked terminology management which, in turn, is linked with language planning and politics.
| contrast | N-N | TERM30_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
Hiztun ugariko hizkuntzetan, datu-base terminologikoak behar dituzten eta horiek sortzeko dirua inbertitzeko prest dauden pertsona-kopuru handia egongo denaren esperantzak bermatzen du terminologia-kudeaketaren lan garestia. | Hiztun gutxiago dauzkaten hizkuntzetan ez da hori gertatzen. Kasu horietan, terminologia-kudeaketa hizkuntza plangintzaren lanarekin lotzen da sarritan. Lan horrek, era berean, motibazio politikoak eta, askotan, emozio-karga bat ere badauzka. Hizkuntza minorizatuetan, terminologiakudeaketak gizakiengan daukan menpekotasuna handiagoa da beste hizkuntza batzuetan baino.
| contrast | N-N | TERM30_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
To obtain a recall of 95% precision is usually reduced to 50%, | and for a precision of 85% cover is not reduced even to 35%.
| contrast | N-N | TERM31_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
The latter are derived by means of suffixes such as -y, -ful and -ous, so that they take not only their grammatical category but also their predicative nature from their suffixes. | On the other hand "nominal nonpredicating adjectives" are by category adjectives but behave similarly to nouns: linguistic difficulties / language difficulties.
| contrast | N-N | TERM34_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
However, we are unlikely to translate decisi?n presidencial as presidente-erabaki: | we would almost certainly opt for presidentearen erabaki.
| contrast | N-N | TERM34_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
For instance the adjective marginal in English is used in a referential fashion in marginal note and in a predicative one in marginal case. | In Spanish, however, the difference between these referential and predicative uses is made by using nota al margen and caso marginal.
| In Basque, the Elhuyar dictionary gives albo-ohar or marjinako ohar for the referential use, but examples of the bazterreko kasu type for the predicative use.
| contraste | N-N | TERM34_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
los últimos, derivados mediante sufijos tipo -y, -ful y -ous, de modo que no sólo tomarán de los sufijos su categorÃa gramatical, sino también el carácter predicativo. | Por el contrario, los que se englobarÃan en la clasificación de “nominal nonpredicating adjectives”, a pesar de ser por categorÃa adjetivos, tendrÃan un comportamiento similar al de los sustantivos: linguistic difficulties/language difficulties.
| contraste | N-N | TERM34_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
Es evidente que en el último caso el adjetivo dental equivale al complemento directo del verbo extraer y que en euskera los sustantivos compuestos son formidables candidatos para ello (hortzateratzea). | Por el contrario, difÃcilmente traduciremos decisión presidencial como presidente-erabaki y, casi sin duda alguna, optaremos por presidentearen erabaki.
| contraste | N-N | TERM34_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
Por ejemplo, el adjetivo marginal en inglés tiene un uso referencial y predicativo respectivamente en los conjuntos marginal note y marginal case; | en castellano, por el contrario, diferencian el uso referencial y el predicativo empleando nota al margen y caso marginal.
| En el caso del euskera se pueden encontrar en el diccionario Elhuyar albo-ohar o marjinako ohar para su uso referencial, pero ejemplos del tipo bazterreko kasu para uso predicativo.
| contrast | N-N | TERM34_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
Adibidez, decisión presidencial ezinbestean izango da presidenteak erabakitakoa eta extracción dental hortz edo hagin baten ateratzearen ekintza. Bistan da azken kasuan dental izenondoa extraer aditzaren osagarri zuzenaren parekoa dela eta euskaraz izen elkartu sintetikoak hautagai bikainak direla hauetarako (hortz-ateratzea). | decisión presidencial ostera, nekez egingo dugu presidente-erabaki eta presidentearen erabaki aukeratuko dugu ia zalantzarik gabe.
| contrast | N-N | TERM34_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
Esate baterako, ingeleseko marginal adjektiboak erabilera erreferentziala eta predikatiboa ditu hurrenez hurren marginal note eta marginal case multzoetan; | gaztelaniaz berriz, erabilera erreferentziala eta predikatiboa bereizten dituzte, nota al margen eta caso marginal eginez.
| contraste | N-N | TERM34_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
¿Son términos todos los que lo parecen, responden a necesidades reales de denominación, | o abundan las creaciones léxicas sensacionalistas y efÃmeras?
| contrast | N-N | TERM38_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
Izendatzeko benetako premiei erantzuten al diete? | Edo, aldiz, lexikoaren sorkuntzan asko eta asko ez ote dira sentsazionalismoan erori eta azkar galduko direnak?
| contrast | N-N | TERM38_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
so that in Basque derivations the core of the structure is on the right, | while in the romance languages it is on the left.
| contrast | N-N | TERM50_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
First of all, it has the prefix des-, which has both possibilities, as in the case of the romance languages. In the derivative desegin it acts as a modifier of the basic core egin (the antonym of do), | but when we seek an example of the prefix/core complement type (deshojar), desostatu, we find that it is not properly formed.
| contraste | N-N | TERM50_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
de manera que en euskera, también en derivación, el núcleo de la estructura se ubica a la derecha, | mientras que en las lenguas románicas va a la izquierda.
| contraste | N-N | TERM50_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
en el segundo caso, mientras el núcleo está compuesto por el mismo prefijo, | el complemento es la base de derivación;
| contraste | N-N | TERM50_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
Para una mejor comprensión, hay que tener presente que los prefijos de las lenguas románicas pueden actuar de dos formas: unos como modificadores de un núcleo, y van a su izquierda (refer/rehacer, desfer/deshacer, predir/predecir), y otros que actúan como núcleo, ya que se colocan en el primer lugar y el complemento va a su derecha (eslomar-se/desplomarse, desfullar/deshojar). En el primer caso, el prefijo aporta una especificación del núcleo (el derivado predecir es una concreción del núcleo decir: decir con antelación, pero decir al fin y al cabo); en el segundo caso, mientras el núcleo está compuesto por el mismo prefijo, el complemento es la base de derivación; de tal modo que prehistoria no es una concreción del complemento base historia, sino algo diferente a la base (historia). | El euskera, por su parte, sólo dispone de la primera forma, tal y como se puede comprobar desde dos ángulos de vista. En primer lugar, dispone del prefijo prestado des-, que dispone de las dos posibilidades que también tiene en las lenguas románicas, en el derivado desegin, actúa como modificador del núcleo-base egin (antónimo de hacer), pero cuando queremos buscar un ejemplo del modelo complemento del prefijo/núcleo de la base (deshojar) desostatu nos encontramos que no está bien formado. Nótese que los prefijos ber-/bir- ‘re’ y ez- ‘in-/des-’ también actúan de la misma forma.
| contrast | N-N | TERM50_A2.rs3 | A2 | TERM | |
eratorpenean ere euskarak egituraren burua edo gunean eskuinaldean jartzen du, | eta hizkuntza erromanikoek ezkerraldean.
| contrast | N-N | TERM50_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
Hau hobeto azaltzeko, kontutan hartu behar da hizkuntza erromanikoen aurrizkiek bi eratara jokatzen dutela: buru baten modifikatzaile modura jokatzen dutenak, buru horren ezkerraldean ager daitezke (refer / rehacer, desfer / deshacer, predir / predecir), eta buru modura jokatzen dutenak ere, lehenengo gunean kokatzen dira, osagarria eskuinaldean hartzen baitute (eslomar-se / desplomarse, desfullar / deshojar). Lehenengo kasuan, aurrizkiak buruaren zehaztasun bat adierazten du (predecir eratorria, decir oinarriburuaren zehaztasun bat da: aurretik esan, baina esan, azken finean); bigarren kasuan, aurrizkia bera da burua, osagarria eratorpen-oinarria delarik; izan ere, Prehistoria ez da historia oinarri-osagarriaren zehaztasun bat, oinarria (historia) ez den bestelako gauza bat baizik). | Euskarak bere aldetik, lehenengo eredua baino ez dauka eskuragarri, bi ikuspegitatik egiazta daitekeenaren arabera: Lehenik, erromantikoetan aurreko era bietara jokatzen duen des- atzizki mailegatuak, desegin eratorrian, egin oinarri-buruaren modifikatzaile modura jokatzen du aurrean kokatuz (egitearen alderantzizkoa), baina aurrizki-osagarria/oinarriburua eredua aurkitu nahi dugunean (deshojar), desostatu gaizki eginda dagoela beha daiteke nonbait; ber-/bir- 're-' eta ez- 'in-/des-' aurrizkiek ere, horrelaxe jokatzen dute.
| contrast | N-N | TERM50_A3.rs3 | A3 | TERM | |
In general terms the generic element can be translated, | while the specific one should be left unchanged.
| contrast | N-N | TERM51_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
The latter indicates the general nature of the geographical feature | while the former specifically identifies the individual feature in question.
| contrast | N-N | TERM51_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
A toponym or geographical name is a proper noun made up of a specific element and, usually, a common or generic element. The latter indicates the general nature of the geographical feature while the former specifically identifies the individual feature in question. Examples would be Peña de Anboto, Avenida Ramón y Cajal, RÃo Ibaizabal, Alto de la Horca, etc.
The above definition of a toponym reveals just how important geographical terms are, especially when it is realised that standard toponymic studies give two versions (Basque and Spanish) of each term. In general terms the generic element can be translated, while the specific one should be left unchanged. This would standardise the above terms in Basque as follows: Anbotoko atxa, Ramón y Cajal etorbidea (?), Ibaizabal, La Horca gaina (?). | However the following points require consideration:
1. We do not know the exact meaning of many generic elements: "alto" (given here in Basque as "gaina") could mean "mountain pass", "hill", "peak" or various other things.
2. "Standardised" geographical terms may be allocated arbitrarily. For instance in the district of Deusto we find avenida ("avenue") used for two thoroughfares which should not both be described thus: "Avenida Ramón y Cajal" is an ordinary street, while "Avenida Lehendakari Agirre" is a true avenue.
3. There is a lack of standardised geographical terminology. For instance the Spanish term avenida is translated into Basque variously as ibilbidea, etorbidea or pasealekua, depending on which Town Hall allocated the names. Likewise the Spanish term pico ("peak") may appear as gallur, haitzorrotza, haizpunta, mokorra, mokoa, punta, or tontorra depending on the author or research body involved (DEIKER, Elhuyar, Government of Navarra, Euskatzaindia, etc.).
| contrast | N-N | TERM51_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |
The lack of geographical standardisation in the BAC and Navarre can be seen in the anarchical way in which everyday geographical terms are used in maps, road signs, text books, the media, etc. Each user applies their own criteria to geographical terms, giving rise to confusion and inconsistencies. | The first UN conference on the standardisation of geographical names (held in Genoa in 1967) recommended the drawing up of glossaries of geographical terms.
Recommendation 19A of the conference recommended that a study be undertaken into the nature of the geographical features bearing names in a particular region, and the different meanings of the words used to name those features.
| contrast | N-S | TERM51_A1.rs3 | A1 | TERM | |